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সাম্প্রতিক সংবাদ
ocated at a peripheral area of North east India, Barak Valley (erstwhile Cachar) in the historical period from the pre-Christian era to its annexation to the British territory in the early 19th century had always been under some state powers which were not particularly rooted to this soil. The last state power, the Dimasa had made Cachar its home and the petty independent kingdom of Cachar experienced an economic resurgence during the rule which, however, were to crumble down towards its end making way for the European colonist to grab the land. The colonists played tricks on the issue of succession to the throne of Cachar allowing it to remain vacant for two years, when they tried to win the consensus of the men in high place, and finally annexed Cachar to the British territory (August 14, 1832).

The entire 19th century in Cachar had been a period of consolidation and expansion of colonial power. The advent of the Mutineers of 34 North Infantry, Chittagaon in 1857/58, however, had extended the arena of Great War into this land. But local participation to it was nil.

The trade unionist began to penetrate the tea estates despite strong resistance by the planters. The 1921 Chorgola exodus, a protest by the laborers of Chorgola received a national attention that marked a beginning an era of politics involving the tea industries. The tea laborers in Cachar were kept out of the electoral roll to make sure the Sylhet Referendum succeeds in transferring the entire Sylhet and part of Karimganj sub-division to Pakistan, exactly what the leaders in Assam willed. In the ultimate round of valley- tussle the Surma valley being defeated, the valley of Barak remained sandwiched in between the walls of Barail hills in the east and the international border in the west.

Political events in the Post-Independent years showed a strange feature. While waves of mass protest on questions of language, culture swept the valley in each decade, yet it hardly left any imprint on the arena of electoral politics. The land which witnessed supreme sacrifices on the question of language and culture, returned scores of representatives to parliament and legislature who were hand in glove with political powers that worked against its interest. Party wise, Congress continues to be strongest political force in this region though in the early nineties of last century, BJP made some inroads in the electoral arena in the wake of Babri Masjid demolition. Communist party which had been a vocal presence in the politics of protest of this region for almost seven decades, failed to consolidate its strength. Left sprang some surprises in elections in the periods preceding and following National Emergency of 1975, but its support base ultimately dwindled in the face of community based voting pattern and social alliances. Apart from these outfits, of late, identity based political formations like AUDF and others have entered the political arena of this region.

At the moment, politics in Barak Valley is increasingly drifting away from the need of the soil as enormous amount of black money is being pumped in at all levels of society. Protest, which is expected to be the core of politics in a land of martyrs, became a casualty.
Blog: Unishe May
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